Experimentation is expensive. That's usually why monopolies and their kissin' cousin-kin, oligopolies usually avoid it.
If you have a market sewed up, why spend billions innovating? Is it any wonder advances in personal computing came not from IBM or H-P, but from two guys in a garage who founded Apple.
The same hold true for electric engines. The ICE-manufacturers (ICE=internal combustion engines) had no real incentive to develop alternative propulsion. Until Tesla came along and starting gobbling up marketshare. You're seeing the same behavior from the giant monolithic oil companies. No wonder we don't have an infrastructure for fast-charging. It's expensive and will cannibalize their business. Why bother? You already own the road.
The examples of this "closed-ness" are myriad. Why does it take longer to fly someplace today than it did sixty years ago? Why is amerika's phone networking and internet connectivity slower and more expensive than much of the world? Why does the US not have a credible airplane manufacturer any longer--one that doesn't have to pull government grift to not be liable for bad manufacturing processes that led to hundreds of deaths?
All these "systems" are closed systems. They're controlled by a few major entities. Throughout history "closedness," more than disease, corruption, famine and plague, have been what has killed empires, countries and companies.
The case of Zheng He vs. Columbus is a good example. As Johan Norberg's written in his great book, "Open: The Story of Human Progress," in the early 1400s, China had it all over Europe.
"Between 1405 and 1433, the emperor sent a gigantic fleet on seven voyages to project power and wealth around the Indian Ocean and create a system of tributary states. Under the command of the Muslim eunuch Zheng He, around 250 vessels carrying almost 30,000 men sailed to South East and South Asia, Arabia and East Africa. Decades before Columbus was born, they travelled much further than he would, on much larger vessels."
Zheng's flagship was about 500 feet long. Almost a century later, the best Columbus could sail, the Santa Maria, was only about 70 feet in length. One seventh the size of Zheng's ship.
But soon, China consolidated. Their emperor controlled all. And he decided exploration was dumb and threatening and expensive. There was no reason, he thought, to ever travel more than eight kilometers from your home village. China went from an exploring, experimenting society to a closed and prohibitive one.
Much of Europe was the same way. While scientists began to realize the earth was not the center of the universe, you could be excommunicated for such statements. In fact, the Church did not accept heliocentricity as fact until the 1890s. Because so much was controlled by the orthodoxy of the Church and the nobility they controlled, free-thinking was punishable by death, excommunication, burning at the stake, or all three. To call the Church a "stake house," would have gotten me in deep shit.
Back to Columbus. He was also snubbed by the powers that be. All over Italy, which was not a consolidated nation until around 1870, but instead was many kingdoms, Columbus couldn't find anyone to sponsor his search for a westward route to Asia.
But, because Europe's governance was not unified (like the Chinese were) he asked the Portuguese. He asked the dukes of Medina-Sidonia and Medinaceli, and the kings of England and France. He spent twenty years as a beggar, looking for a patron, finally finding Ferdinand and Isabella.
They enabled Columbus to do his thing. And Spain became the most powerful nation in the world.
But there's more. According to Norberg, Columbus' discovery was a "Sputnik moment" for other European powers. They all went after the wealth of the new world. They all innovated to get there. They were afraid not to. Lest they get subsumed.
Of course, this metaphor brings me to advertising.
Madison Avenue today is 15th Century China, or Dark Ages Europe. It's dominated by soon-to-be just three companies that control three-out-of-every-four jobs and dollars. There's no incentive to do anything but create a system for preserving the status quo.
So while the business withers, agencies losing thousands of people and millions of dollars have themselves solipsistically awarded "agency" or "network" of the year. The inherent subject-object split between reality and accolades doesn't matter. Just as there was virtually no one around to gripe about the Ming dynasty or the Church, there aren't many who have the voice and stature to point out the industry's failures. There's no trade-press to cover it. They're busy covering the things the big soon-to-be-three want covered. (They'd get no ad dollars if they didn't play ball.)
When I started in the business, there were hundreds of credible agencies, independent and at some level, innovative. They marched to their own beat. Different agencies had different personalities and beliefs.
Today, there are a few independents left and a few more seem to emerge each day. However, despite the success of agencies like Mischief and Wieden--and a few others I'm missing now--we've yet to see our industry's "Sputnik" moment. Where the power of a new way forces the old way to change.
Norberg's point, and mine, is that open-ness, though often chaotic is generally a force for innovation and good. We are living in an anti-open era, and now in an anti-open country. And certainly in a closed industry.
What do you think the attack on universities, science, thougyt and immigration is really about. We're witnessing an attack on open.
There a lot of reasons things aren't working anymore. In enumerating them all, we usually forget the biggest: the most macro of them all. The monopoly incentive makes it easy to be bad.
--
BTW, this from Jamelle Bouie in a Times' newsletter.
I wrote about the MAGA movement’s conception of the future.
Trump and his allies are fighting a war on the future and, in particular, on the idea that our technological progress should proceed hand in hand with social and ethical progress — on the liberal universalism that demands an expansive and expanding area of concern for the state and society. And they are fighting a war for the future insofar as this means the narrowing of our moral horizons for the sake of unleashing certain energies tied to hierarchies of race, gender and sexuality.